| THE PATRIOT RETURNS |
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Vol. 14, No. 1 June 1, 1999
These are some of the many questions being raised by the members of the CUUC Caucus, a Caucus composed of many old-timers, long time friends and colleagues of Irwin Polishook who have been hanging around CUNY for more than thirty years. Since the mid-l960s, these members have faithfully supported the Polishook Slate out of loyalty to "Dear Irwin" and a great deal of disinterest in what Irwin did or didn't do for his members. But above all, friends of Polishook are now searching their hearts and minds trying to figure out who to blame for this calossus disaster. Although some are just murmuring and whispering the name of the culprit, others are openly proclaiming and pointing fingers, probably correctly, at the "Bad Boy Richard" Boris, Polishook's handpicked Vice President. "Richard Must Go!" seems to be the message and it is getting louder and louder. All these many years, Polishook supporters had been concerned only with salary increases, medical and dental benefits, and of course, pension. Never did they question Irwin on his stand on open admissions, curriculum, admission standards or, for that matter, campus concerns about the environment or safety of the faculty. Whatever Irwin told them at those rehearsed, managed and controlled once-a-month boring Delegate Assembly meetings and whatever he fed them in his dreary, monotonous and above all, self-serving Clarion they accepted it without being curious about the authenticity of Irwin's claims of how hard he was fighting on their behalf and his supposed accomplishments. They listened intently and relished Irwin's boasting about his battles with the Chancellor, the Mayor, and the Governor and his exaggerated claims of his influence on the legislators. Never did they question him whether there was any truth in Irwin's success stories or that Irwin was merely riding on the accomplishments and advances made by other, loud--mouth powerful unionists who got the benefits for their own members and then Irwin tagged onto their successes and claimed as if they were his own. The end result was Irwin was riding high without a serious challenge to his leadership. He could do no wrong. As a matter of fact, he could do anything he wanted, including choosing an incredibly incompetent lieutenant as his Vice President so he can steal the glamour for himself and leave the blame for the Vice President for any goof-offs which might occur. In the meantime, over the last decade, the City University faculty was undergoing transformation,--- a transformation of such a huge magnitude that no astute union leader could have afforded to ignore. But Irwin did. He failed to recognize that younger faculty members were entering the CUNY system at a faster rate than ever before, older faculty members were either dying or retiring, and there was a change in younger faculty members priorities. They needed a younger man to boost their ideals, goals, and what mattered most to them -- higher wages and benefits for members in lower ranks and part-time adjuncts, recognition of the concerns for the environment on the campuses, and most of all, a socially active union. While Irwin was spending his time with the newly formed retirees' chapter in New York and Florida, the New Caucus, organized by the 1960's rebel rousers who had joined the ranks at CUNY had begun to make their inroads. Slowly but surely, they started to meet in the dimly lighted lofts in the Village, published their little newsletter, and began to raise doubts about Irwin's so called accomplishments. Most of all, they began to organize local chapters and not only ran for chapter elections but won a number of chapters. With slick propaganda, this small group of activists who had recognized the changing character of union membership began to make progress toward recruiting adjuncts and younger faculty and winning the Chapter elections. They were able to get an increasing number of feminists to join their cause and activities. They began to raise issues about the neglected second class faculty of CUNY, the adjuncts and the part-timers who were increasing in numbers by leaps and bounds. The New Caucus made a big leap forward in 1996 by giving the first formidable challenge to Irwin's leadership by running a full slate against Irwin and his cronies. Although they did not succeed in winning the election, their challenge to Irwin's leadership was significant for it made Irwin vulnerable, made the New Caucus known to the entire university community, and provided a strong hope for the sizable number of a restless faculty who wanted an alternative to Irwin's leadership for the future.
Or, should he say "the hell with it all. I had a good time up until now. Let me run for the cover and retire at the end of the term and carry on with my life without the 'Lazy Boy' Richard's mischief?" Polishook is in a quandary, a quagmire and a dilemma. He faces a very difficult problem indeed -- a problem he brought upon himself. Tragic, it certainly is. But. It will be hard for Irwin to blame anyone else but himself. Note: This introductory piece sets the stage for coming attractions. Fall issues will inform and entertain you on the escapades of the "Naughty Boy" Richard.
Sharad
Karkhanis
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